SOC 985 Book Review

Book Review: Black Men Can’t Shoot by Scott N. Brooks

Now a sociology prof at UC-Riverside, this book was Dr. Brooks’ dissertation.

The goal of the research is described in the preface.  The book is “an ethnography, a systematic study of culture made through in-depth and consistent participant observation.”  The author clearly states his understanding of what an ethnography is but does not provide explicit reference to where he developed that understanding.  “It is an insider’s point of view that will reveal the process some black athletes engage in to become a known player.”  This is helpful to the reader in forming a base line for how to absorb the entire book.  The author clearly states that this is not a “hoop dreams” story or rags to riches biography.  It is a sociological analysis of the process and a study of culture.

The author became an “insider” after embedding himself in the culture of amateur basketball in Philadelphia as a coach and mentor.  The teams he coached ranged from sixth grade to high school varsity and it was difficult to follow what age the players were from chapter to chapter.  The book starts with a chapter on two players, Jermaine and Ray, but the entire book does not follow only these two players’ processes.  That is to say, it is not directly about their day to day activities.  Overall, their story is the crux on which all other elements are based.  I would suggest that the author does not begin with a narrow description like this.  It leads the reader to assume the rest of the book will be precisely about Jermaine and Ray but this is not the case.

The value of social network is initially developed in chapter two.  Two connections are made to media and family but these are not continued further in the text (to the extent I was expecting).  The history of Philadelphia basketball is portrayed as a foundation for the social network that fuels its own continuity.  Further interpretation of the basketball network is discussed.  The network is not simply “who you know” (although that is a large part of it) but additionally, the nature of the relationship.  The author does an excellent job of eliciting from Jermaine and Ray how and why they became known in the community as athletes.  Not only does the author convey quotes from the subjects – “I dunked… old heads came to see me” – but also provides an interpretation of why dunking on another player is impressive (“because it is a notable physical feat… a show of dominance over someone”).

As the text continues, another player (Marcus) is inserted into the story and “old heads” also enter.  As is appropriate, the author provides a detailed description to form the foundation for the interactions that follow.  I found the historical narrative slightly too in-depth.  There was this league in that part of the city, this coach and that age group, and it got to be a little too much to keep track of.  It was not that there was a surplus of information, but the connections were hard to see in how it related directly to the point of the study: the process to becoming a known player.  Defining the history and sub-actors does not always help with interpreting the process.

Status was adequately analyzed.  There were sections about how shooting (more than necessary) could help build a player’s status.  Also, the counterpoint was expressed that too much shooting from one player took from another player’s opportunity.  The author avoided including mention of game theory, but this would have been a viable opportunity to do so.  I was pleased to see the author continue analysis of status building all the way to “elite” status.  The author previously described how performance could build status.  Then, the author explains how place (“Uptown”) could aid in progressing status.

There was a lot of power held by coaches, especially when it involved forming the opportunities for players.  The author did well at going beyond playing time economics (which was discussed) and delved into mental fortitude.  The coaches not only shaped the games and performance opportunities on the stage, but also created and destroyed mental toughness within individual players.

More talk of networks was discussed in terms of the “old heads” conversations (and promoting players, indirectly) during games.  Additionally, Jermaine and Ray had the opportunity to play overseas because of who they were connected with (former player Steve Adams).  Eventually, the two have opportunities to transfer to other schools to play ball.  Much of the middle section of the book appears to be storytelling.  There are accounts of racism and recruiting.  It is vital to understanding the experience of the players and how that relates to the process.

Toward the end of the book, the author begins to explain that Jermaine and Ray began to focus on the next step.  This is the first real time that the players are portrayed as looking to the future.  They “turned most of their attention to how to become college players” and that shows a mindset of preparing for the next step.  Beforehand, the players were stuck in the here and now.  The author makes a staunch interpretation by stating that “they believed [the playground] enhanced their overall training.”  It is difficult to believe that the players had the four-pronged approach to training that the author believes they did.  The playground, school, Blade Rogers (league), and AAU were listed as the purposeful blend of overlapping complementary venues the players utilized.  However, those four entities were based on convenience.  In other words, it is highly unlikely the proportion of time spent at each was intentional and planned by Jermaine and Ray.  The author avoids the possible fact that the players simply enjoyed going to the playground as opposed to their workouts there as intentionally contributing to their goals.

When the author suggests that “Jermaine learned that being an elite player and getting a scholarship was not simply about playing ability,” it seemed out of place in the chronology of the book.  This is simply because the author had been implying the fact the entire time.  The author should have eluded earlier in the story to the fact that Jermaine had not yet realized this (but would later come to realize).  “The only way you get known, it’s all politics in the city, like you gotta know somebody that knows somebody or you gotta be with the right people.”  That is true, and essentially what the prior nineteen chapters were leading up to.  “Yeah, they [coaches] got power in everything.”  It was difficult to read this section of the book without assuming the author purposely formed certain prior chapters to build up to it.

[Note: It was extremely difficult for me to read the amount of phony college names that were in the book.  This was terribly distracting.]

Five fundamentals of success were conveyed: “learning and performing up to expectations; gaining exposure to multiple settings and audiences; creating buzz by impressing influential people; managing the politics; and having a support system – family, coaches and old head, and networks that sustained [the player] and created opportunities for him to play.”  Before listing those five, the author states that “Jermaine learned to manage his reputation on different teams, in varied settings, and with a vast and amorphous network of persons.”  Although I agree to some extent that this was learned behavior, I argue that the author gives too much credit to the plan development on the part of the athlete.  This fine line is a big elephant in the room throughout the book: the difference between ambition for success and need to survive.  In other words, the author believes that the player is thoughtfully scheming how each different performance will contribute to collective success.  I would argue the player is simply trying to survive within each respective venue.

We are clearly at odds in our interpretations of the collective experiences described in the book (granted I am an outsider and he, the insider).  The author reprises his theory that “only highlighting players’ ‘natural’ superior ability diminishes the hard work, effort, planning, strategizing, and decision making required to become elite players.”  Certain elements stood out in this book.  Hard work and efforts were apparent.  However, planning and strategizing were inconspicuous.  The author also differentiates between both formal (school, teams, leagues) and informal (family, coach, relationships with other players) factors.

Ironically, the epilogue/appendix is a very well written and clear guide on how to conduct a solid ethnography.  Briefly, it includes how to gain an “in,” how to cross the bridge to become accepted (including reference to the race of both researcher and subjects), and other relationship building aspects.  The academic meat is after the conclusion of the book.  My interpretation of the structure of the book is that a popular ethnography must put a majority of its style into adhering to a popular format.  The title of the book is a good indicator of that approach.  The sociological impact of the book exists, but it is not the main imprint left after reading.  For better or worse, there are many unanswered and debatable questions that linger after reading.  To the author’s credit, he never made a claim to answer any questions.

Notes